Thoughts about The Myth of Meritocracy by James Bloodworth

I read James Bloodworth’s The Myth of Meritocracy (which I highly recommend) and had some thoughts:

  1. A liberal order needs social mobility. Firms need access to the best workers. And support for a market economy relies on the faith of people in their ability to better themselves.
  2. Success depends on a mix of social circumstance (e.g. privilege), talent (i.e. merit), and luck (let’s include risk taking in this).
  3. Bloodworth argues that social mobility has fallen in the last few decades, and that people are increasingly aware of it. Lots of people have cited it as an important cause of the Brexit vote.
  4. But he also argues that policies to boost social mobility by establishing a meritocracy (policies largely focused on education) have failed to do so and have in fact cemented class divisions. More people go to university, but poor people are still locked out of the best universities. Etc.
  5. We can’t do much about luck.
  6. That leaves social circumstance. Well, we could have more affirmative action based on social class rather than just ethnicity, gender or sexuality. The problem with that is that we would see more social mobility – downwards, as middle class people lose out to working class counterparts. That’s one reason why Bloodworth argues we shouldn’t pursue social mobility as an overriding aim of policy – it should be a positive side effect.
  7. So that means improving the socioeconomic lot of the working class. But that has sort of happened – income inequality as measured by the Gini coefficient has fallen to its lowest level for 25 years, driven largely by wealth redistribution through the welfare system. If wealth redistribution isn’t the answer, what is?
  8. I think this gets to the big gap we are facing in social policy. It probably means looking harder at things like employee ownership, new routes into home ownership, properly incentivising entrepreneurship and business creation, and looking at ways to harness the value of big data for everyone, not just business. We have to look at things beyond wealth transfers (which will become increasingly difficult anyway with years of fiscal constraint ahead) to readjust the balance between privilege, merit and luck.
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When League One was everything

When Neil Gregory scored against Doncaster in a chaotic game at Belle Vue to send us to the play-offs. When his brother David scored a lucky penalty at Wembley to put us into Division Two for the first time in 17 years. When our biggest hope was to stay at that level and we were all happy as long as that happened.

When Lomana Tresor Lua Lua scored on his debut at Chesterfield and we’d never seen anyone like him before. When no-one had heard of Phil Parkinson but he led us to the Championship and we all got to feel like Leicester fans do this season.

When we inevitably came down again but finally moved to a stadium we’d waited our entire history for.When we beat Norwich 7-1 away. When Adam Barrett scuffed the ball into his own net to complete a double over Southend and help relegate them. When we beat Norwich 7-1 away. When Tom Eastman scored in Carlisle on the last day of the season to keep us up. When Preston expected to seal promotion on the last day of the season and George Moncur scored to keep us up again and it felt like the spirit of Layer Road was back.

When we were relegated yesterday to League Two, for the first time in 18 years, and a generation of U’s fans realised that League One is our league.

 

When I stole an idea for a blog.

 

 

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It’s ok to like Fantasy Football

Screen Shot 2015-07-22 at 21.23.29Someone on Twitter was moaning earlier about people who are happy when a player scores – even against the team they support – because they have them in their Fantasy Football team. I can’t find it now but this, from a Spurs fan, isn’t far off:

For those who enjoy moaning (and it’s obvious they do when it’s the summer and no-one in their right mind is thinking about Fantasy Football), it’s the latest symptom of the ills of modern football. It’s too easy to watch football, grounds are a bit too nice, fans don’t stab each other as much anymore. And people find consolation in Sergio Aguero scoring against them because they captained him this week. Football, it’s gone to the dogs.

Except it hasn’t. Because it’s meant to be a bit of fun, you can’t pick a Fantasy team consisting entirely of your own team’s players. That means you care a little more than you would about how other teams are doing. No big deal.

Besides, sometimes you can be pleased if a player scores, for other reasons – you had two quid on Berahino first goalscorer; you’re playing United and the thought of Robin van Persie scoring fills you with mortal fear, so much so that Rooney scoring is almost a relief.

You’re not happy, but it’s a sweetener. And so it is with Fantasy Football. Four points here, three points there, it all adds up. No need to get worked up.

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“The Farm is alright”: Exploring a UK panel block estate

I wrote something about Tottenham’s Broadwater Farm estate for Retrograd, an online project exploring the legacy and transformation of socialism in post-Soviet countries and the West. Link.

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Economic migrants aren’t refugees

Blogger Left Outside has published an interesting piece arguing against drawing a distinction between refugees and economic migrants:

Every refugee finds themselves thinking “how do I improve my situation?” and the answer usually concerns safety, but often also concern economics.

It’s right to point out the multitude of complex reasons behind migration. As far as they choose the country in which they seek sanctuary, refugees often base their decision on things like language, family ties and economics, and I agree that there’s nothing wrong with this.

Similarly, refugees aren’t uniformly destitute or likely to put their lives in the hands of people traffickers. Many of the Syrians who have claimed asylum in the UK have been able to do so because they could afford to fly here; and many others were able to flee to neighbouring countries where they owned properties.

But it is wrong to suggest that, because economic migrants and refugees share some motivations, they are the same. After all, the primary reason a refugee leaves a country is due to war or persecution – the same cannot be said for any other type of migration. We don’t need a UN agency to identify tailors in Senegal and help them resettle in Italy. Economic migrants aren’t refugees and our approach to them should be different.

In a world without open borders, the refugee-economic migrant distinction is needed: the notion of refugeehood is not (just) an ideal, as Left Outside states, but a legal classification that gives those fleeing persecution some protection from the whims of European immigration policy.

What blurs the distinction is that we see both refugees and economic migrants on the boats sinking in the Med – so we need to be more tolerant and have a more open approach to both. For one thing, that means allowing safe and legal ways for people – regardless of their reason for migrating – to get to Europe.

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What do the manifestos say about immigration detention?

Last month, the report of the parliamentary inquiry into immigration detention was published. After an eight month inquiry the panel, made up of MPs and peers of all parties, recommended that there should be a 28 day time limit on the length of time anyone can be held in immigration detention. They also called for a presumption in favour of community-based alternatives to detention. The full report is available here.

This week has seen the publication of all the major parties’ manifestos, so it’s a good opportunity to see what each party would do about indefinite detention:

Conservatives

There is no mention of detention in the Conservatives’ manifesto.

Theresa May did announce a review, led by Stephen Shaw, of detainees’ welfare and conditions in detention in February. She has also asked Shaw to consider the inquiry’s recommendations. Conservative panel member David Burrowes also wrote this piece for ConservativeHome.

Greens

The Greens say they would:

Ensure that no prospective immigrant is held in detention. As a matter of urgency, the administrative detention of children and pregnant women should end immediately.

This appears to suggest they would not use detention at all. It’s not clear if failed asylum seekers or foreign national offenders are covered by the term “prospective immigrant”.

Labour

Labour have pledged to end indefinite detention. Their manifesto states:

We will end the indefinite detention of people in the asylum and immigration system, ending detention for pregnant women and those who have been the victims of sexual abuse or trafficking.

This was announced by Yvette Cooper last month. The Guardian at the time reported that the time limit would not apply to “those who have committed criminal offences and were being deported because of their criminal behaviour, or those who posed a threat to UK national security or public safety.”

Liberal Democrats

The Liberal Democrats say in their manifesto that they would ‘end unnecessary detention’:

Liberal Democrats would end indefinite detention for immigration purposes, and use community-based alternatives instead.

It’s right to deport people who don’t have the right to be in the UK, and sometimes that requires holding them temporarily in a detention centre first. But locking people up has gone too far. Routinely detaining immigrants and asylum seekers indefinitely is a waste of time, resources and taxpayers’ money, and has a terrible effect on the physical and mental health of those detained.

Plaid Cymru

Nothing in their manifesto. In February, the BBC reported that Plaid Cymru would “lobby the Westminster government to ensure that they shut ‘detention’ centres.”

Scottish National Party

The SNP manifesto has not yet been published.

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Do search and rescue operations encourage more people to cross the Mediterranean?

Standing on a tiny North African fishing boat – known as TO6411 – in London’s South Docks Marina a couple of years ago, I tried to imagine what it had been like for the 36 migrants who had travelled in it across the Mediterranean to the Italian island of Lampedusa. Only a few of us could stand on the deck before it started taking on water, and UK authorities decided it could only safely hold eight people. It wasn’t too hard to imagine the Mediterranean swallowing up this rickety vessel and all those onboard. That this hadn’t happened, and that artist Lucy Wood had subsequently sailed it all the way to London, was astonishing.

I thought about TO6411 when the Government announced last year that it would no longer support search and rescue operations in the Mediterranean. They had created an “unintended ‘pull factor'”, one minister said, encouraging more migrants and refugees to risk their lives to get to Europe.

On the face of it, that made sense – 3,500 migrants died crossing the Med in 2014, compared to around 700 in 2013. James Brokenshire, the Immigration Minister, was right to point out that Italy’s Mare Nostrum rescue teams – introduced after the 2013 Lampedusa tragedy that claimed 359 lives – were being called nearer and nearer to Libyan waters. Libya is the main point of departure for those fleeing conflict and persecution in the Middle East, Sub-Saharan Africa and, increasingly, Libya itself. This trend indicated that the introduction of the Mare Nostrum operation at the end of 2013 had encouraged more people to risk their lives.

There is significant uncertainty here, and the Government’s explanation – that the promise of likely rescue was incentivising behaviour we would want to discourage – sounded plausible. But it failed to account for the escalation of conflicts in Syria and Iraq, and the increasingly precarious situation for the millions of refugees in Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey. So far no-one has been able to provide a conclusive causal delineation for Med migration, allowing this kind of explanation to take root. At best, the Government looked like it was groping around in the dark; at worst, that it was willing to allow migrants to drown to put others off.

Even with Mare Nostrum in place, thousands drowned last year. We can therefore reasonably assume those making the crossing are willing to risk their lives to get to Europe.

What’s happened since the withdrawal of Mare Nostrum sadly reflects this: in the first quarter of 2015, nearly 500 migrants have drowned in the Mediterranean. This weekend alone, nearly 6,000 people were rescued. Since the Government stopped support for search and rescue, more migrants have tried to cross the Mediterranean, and more have died doing so. 2015 is on course to see a record number of people drown in the Med.

In contrast to Mare Nostrum (which had one purpose – to prevent death), the EU’s new Triton border patrol has fewer vessels and only acts when there is immediate danger close to Europe’s coast. It’s becoming clear that many more of the 200,000 rescued last year would have drowned had it not been for Mare Nostrum. That’s why Médecins Sans Frontières have announced they are funding a new search and rescue mission to fill some of the gap that has been left.

Ultimately, politicians in the UK and EU alike are trying to solve a problem having ruled out the solution: the provision of safe and legal routes into Europe. The UK has offered resettlement to just 143 Syrians. Last month, the European Commissioner for Migration, Dimitris Avramopoulos, tried and failed to get agreement from EU ministers to establish centres in North Africa and the Middle East to apply for refugee status and resettlement in Europe from third countries.

With no end to the conflicts and violence in Syria and Iraq in sight, and instability increasing in other parts of the Middle East and Africa, the pursuit of policies to maintain ‘Fortress Europe’ by limiting resettlement opportunities and minimising rescue missions in the Mediterranean will only end one way.

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